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|245||1 0||▼a New governance : ▼b issues and challenges / ▼c Park Jai Chang.|
|260||▼a Seoul, Korea(South) : ▼b Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Knowledge Press, ▼c 2015.|
|300||▼a 324 p. ; ▼c 24 cm.|
|504||▼a Includes bibliographical references.|
|900||1 0||▼a Pak, Chae-ch'ang.|
|900||1 0||▼a Park, Jai Chang.|
I was motivated strongly to publicize this book especially when I came across with the news that Park regime was trying to remodel the nation. In other word, they were interested in reforming the inside structure of the state, which is a fruitless venture, I believe, in this informatized world.
We have to adjust the vertical relationship between state and civil society itself and not simply the horizontal relationship between and among the components inside of state. It is my humble aspiration to contribute to the pending discussion about the alternative to the current governing system in Korea by the publication
of this book by sharing ideas, stimulating semi-direct democracy which I believe a temporal solution to our pending thrusts, providing rationale for the reform minded social movements to expand citizen’s participation.
I trust wisdom and sincerity of people instead of their political and administrative delegates especially in this era of informatization and subsequent globalization.
The South Korean government’s inability to rescue the victims and properly respond to the tragic accident of Sewol ferry, capsized at the West coast in April of 2014, led the people to see the naked face of contemporary governing system in Korea. The corruption and rampant malpractices in the shipping industry stemming from dubious connections to bureaucrats led to the uploading of cargo far beyond its maximum capacity. The ship drained its ballast water, which sailors often call “lifesaving water,” to carry more freight without any proper supervision by relevant checking authorities.
The responsible bureaucrats have been captured by the built-in connections and subsequent lobbying power established through the tradition, as in the other fields of the Korean society, in which retired government officials are hired by either private or public organizations related to their previous jobs, being guaranteed high positions and massive salaries. For instance, most of the previous chairmen of the Korea Shipping Association, a supervisory body for coastal shipping companies and safe sailing of their ships, were former officials from the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries (Shin & Seo, 2014.04.24.).
It was also released that more than two dozen lawmakers from both the ruling and opposition parties received financial sponsorship from the Korea Ship Owners’ Association for five overseas trips in the past five years (Seo, 2014.05.02.). Revelations concerning a series of sponsorships have raised suspicions as to whether the association was lobbying the legislators to have the resolution passed, which was eventually introduced and urged “policy-wise support for the marine industry to boost competitiveness for national economic development” by providing financial subsidies (Seo, 2014.05.02).
The government had crises management manuals for disaster situations, but they were useless at the actual scene of the tragedy. It was so because they were drawn up by bureaucrats lacking first-hand experiences without the knowledge of on-the-spot reguirements. The rescue teams were not trained well enough to respond properly to the rapid upsurge of needs and demands at the disaster scene. In addition to that, the extreme form of departmental egotism pertinent to government bureaucracy blocked smooth horizontal collaborations among the relevant agencies such as Coastal Guards, Marines, Navy Forces, private companies, and volunteers.
It was beyond expectation to the eyes of general public that the prime rescuers were neither the coastal guards nor the navy forces but the contracted-out private company divers even at such a critical situation, where we need dedication and commitment instead of efficiency and economy. It is also unbelievable that they stopped divers and advised them to greet high ranking government officials at such an imminent situation where they compete for a second to salvage the drowned.
Our experience with such government bureaucrats in responding to Sewol ferry accident has made it clear that the modern bureaucracy in Korea is no longer a source of solution but only the cause of problems. Even if we accept the general explanation that the disaster scene requires very special correspondence techniques among the relevant stake-holders and makes it very difficult to succeed, it still becomes evident that we cannot trust government and enjoy the luxury of entrusting the protection of our lives and properties to the incompetent government officials any more.
Recognizing such a sentiment widely spread among the people, the president Park Geun-Hye announced that they would like to exercise a large scale clean-up drive of the government and a remodeling of the nation. Such an announcement, however, reminds us that they still believe in the supra-rational decisionmaking capability of the modern bureaucracy, which could not be realized in such a rapidly changing and highly interconnected society. Mechanistic structure of modern bureaucracy is not consistent with fluidity, flexibility, and complexity of the information society any longer.
My journey as an academic in the field of public administration has started by questioning about such institutional viability, relevance and accountability of a government. I felt dubious as to whether the government would work as a goodwill
spirited problem solver of the contemporary society without being compelled by the external control of the legislature, which has been counted as a source of governmental legitimacy and people’s support for democratic governance.
That is why my research focus of interests, at the initial stage, has hovered around the issue of reforming the National Assembly and after a while political parties in a perusal to promote their institutional capability to closely observe, oversee and supervise the executive (Chapter 2, 3, 4 and 5). It does not take a long time to realize, however, that it is helpless as long as the legislators do not adopt reform suggestions and stipulate relevant measures even if many ideal reform suggestions are produced. Reforming the legislature and political parties is not a matter of ideas but that of a power struggle between the established power holders as like the elected officials and the general public yearning for them to reflect their aspirations.
It is very natural for me to move my academic interest, in such a context, to find ways to empower the people vis-a-vis the government. I began to conduct researches on NGOs in the expectation that NGOs would promote, mobilize, and organize people’s participation to the governing process and thus upgrade external pressure to the government including the legislature and political parties (Chapter 6, 7, 8 and 9). I also started to work at the forefront of NGO movements in Korea in an attempt to strengthen countervailing power of the people against the government.
During 1990s and 2000s, there sprang many NGOs, and the magnitude of their voices in Korean society was upgraded very rapidly. It was the heydays of NGO movements in Korea. NGOs were counted as if they were replacing even the representation role of political parties. They enjoyed a high rate of people’s support and trust. It did not take long a time to realize, however, that NGOs are not the ultimate solution to our governing problem and the “NGOs’ failure,” in fact, is built in being based on the same logic and rationale with “government failure.” As long as NGOs are operated and managed by standing staff as a voluntary delegate of the people, the same negative effects of running the government by bureaucrats take place. There arises a very serious reason that the people should govern by themselves instead of delegating their suffrage to the others.
Technological advancement also made it available to open up participatory conduits of the people owing much to the advent of information society, which provides a completely different social and political environment conducive for the wider and substantive participation of the people. It becomes very natural that they began to talk about co-producing system of government replacing indirect governing system with semi-direct democracy.
Citizens are now considered as a partner in governing process being released from the passive position of being consumers of government services. The idea of new governance has become to receive wide supports. In such a context, it becomes very much important to have the people with self-reflexive power for the successful operation of the partnership government since the franchise is going to be returned back to the people in such a system of semi-direct governance. That is why I began to emphasize the importance of civic education (Chapter 1). Such shifts of research focus reflect well of my academic pilgrimage searching for solutions to better governance under the social frame of the relationship between government and citizen or state and civil society.
During my journey of searching for better governance, social environment, in which governance takes place, has changed drastically from industrial to information society and further to globalization of the world. Such a contextual change is also reflected in my researches for better governance mechanism.
Globalization has brought in the emergence of global civil society by instigating and consolidating interconnectedness of the people and NGOs of the world. There were several tides of globalization in the human history. But the contemporary one is different from the previous ones in the sense that a globalizing phenomenon takes place anywhere and everywhere and thus omnipresent and holistic as well. It is so especially in the arena of civil society creating, for the first time, global civil society as a counter veiling and/or complementary force against state oriented international community of the world. We see sprouts of co-partnership between government and NGOs at global level. It is a high time to explore possibilities of global governance system and examine pending thrusts arising in the process of establishing global civil society networks. Naturally my academic focus of interests has been expanded to such topics (Chapter 7, 8, 9 and 10).
All through such a journey of my academic research, I become to learn the importance of a comparative approach and have tried to maintain a contextual understanding of political phenomena. Comparison between state and civil society, that between industrial society and information society, and that between nation state and globalizing world are the major bases of my intellectual scheme and tools leading me to read configurative maps of contemporary world. At the extension of such an endeavor, a longitudinal evaluation of the political development in Korea was ventured during the conversation with the editor of LeBanquet from France as an effort to sum up my understanding of contemporary Korean politics (Chapter 11).
This book is a collection of such articles that I produced in English alongside of my journey in searching for better governance. At the extension of such a journey to search for the alternative to contemporary governing system in Korea, I was motivated strongly to publicize this book especially when I came across with the news that Park regime was trying to remodel the nation. In other word, they were interested in reforming the inside structure of the state, which is a fruitless venture, I believe, in this informatized world. We have to adjust the vertical relationship between state and civil society itself and not simply the horizontal relationship between and among the components inside of state. It is my humble aspiration to contribute to the pending discussion about the alternative to the current governing system in Korea by the publication of this book by sharing ideas, stimulating semi-direct democracy which I believe a temporal solution to our
pending thrusts, providing rationale for the reform minded social movements to expand citizen’s participation. I trust wisdom and sincerity of people instead of their political and administrative delegates especially in this era of informatization and subsequent globalization.
I seized the wake-up call triggered by the tragic accident of Sewol ferry in the sense that it produced every reason to withhold our centuries-old confidence in the government and remind the weight and importance of general public in our governing process. I tribute my heartfelt condolences to the victims of the sunken ship and the sunken rationale mobilized to legitimize the monopoly of governing opportunity by the state as well. I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to Simon Kim of the Texas State Alliance of YMCAs for his proofreading. I also would like to acknowledge the financial support from the Research Institute for Korea Future Governance. My special thanks go to Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Knowledge Center, for venturing to publish this book as a token of support, I believe, for the ideas and suggestions shared in this book.
한국외국어대학교 석좌교수(현) 숙명여자대학교 명예교수(현) 숙명여자대학교 정법대학장 미국 뉴욕주립대학교 행정학 박사(의회행정 전공) (사)한국미래정부연구회 이사장(현) 독일 자유베를린 대학교 훔볼트재단 연구교수 미국 버클리 대학교 정부학연구소 플브라이트 교수 일본 동지사 대학교 정책과학대학원 객원교수 태국 창마이 라찻팟 대학교 방문교수 미국 메릴랜드 대학교 방문교수 한국 행정학회 회장 한국 NGO학회 회장 한국 국제지역학회 회장 한국 정치행정연구회 회장 미국 정치학회 의회연구원 대통령 소속 지방이양추진위원회 (국무총리) 공동 위원장 국무총리실 시민사회발전위원회 위원 부패방지위원회 교육홍보정책자문위원장 국민고충처리위원회 명예 옴부즈만 KOICA 대표 청렴 옴부즈만 아시아 태평양 YMCA 연맹 회장 공선협 집행위원장 시민사회 포럼 대표 지방자치발전실천포럼 공동대표 민주시민교육거버넌스 대표
Part One Reforming Politics in Korean Society
Chapter 1. Deepening of Democracy and Civic Education 17
Chapter 2. Legislative Reform Directions and Issues 37
Chapter 3. Annual Legislative Auditing of the Executive 75
Chapter 4. Confirmation Hearings for Cabinet Members 113
Chapter 5. Baseline Assessment of Korean Political Parties 131
Part Two Building Civil Society in Globalizing Era
Chapter 6. Negative Impact of E-Governance on NGOs 189
Chapter 7. Alternative Tourism as Social Movement 203
Chapter 8. Climate Change and Alternative Tourism 235
Chapter 9. Disaster Relief and Social Capital in Asia 253
Chapter 10. Area Studies in Globalizing World 271
Part Three Reviewing Political Development in Korea
Chapter 11. Politics between Tradition and Information Society 285
About the Author 323