CONTENTS
1 Introduction = 1
1.1. Part structures in the semantics of natural language = 1
1.2. The analogy between the semantics of plural, mass, and singular count noun phrases = 6
1.3. The traditional view of part structures = 11
1.4. The mass-count distinction : the extensional mereological account = 16
1.5. A new notion of part structure for natural language = 19
1.5.1. The information-based account of the mass-count distinction = 20
1.5.2. Characterizations of integrated wholes = 26
1.5.3. Formal properties of part structures = 27
1.5.4. Situated part structures = 29
1.6. Summary = 35
Appendix : Comparison with other approaches = 35
1A.1. Notions related to the notion of integrated whole in other semantic approaches = 36
1A.2. The notion of integrated whole and the notion of sortal concept = 37
1A.3. Related approaches to the mass-count distinction = 39
2 The Formal Semantic Framework and the Treatment of Distributivity = 40
2.1. General issues concerning sentence meaning = 40
2.2. Compositional situation semantics for simple constructions = 43
2.3. The treatment of distributivity = 48
2.3.1. The problem of distributivity and types of distributivity phenomena = 49
2.3.2. Ways of treating distributivity = 51
2.3.3. An account of distributivity based on situated part structures and disjunctive lexical meanings = 55
3 Semantic Selection, Part Structures, and Perspectives = 61
3.1. The Accessibility Requirement = 62
3.1.1. The basic data and the generalization = 62
3.1.2. Semantic selection and perspectives = 69
3.2. The Integrated Parts Requirement = 87
3.2.1. The basic data and the generalization = 87
3.2.2. Constructional satisfaction of the Integrated Parts Requirement = 91
3.2.3. Contextual satisfaction of the Integrated Parts Requirement = 101
3.3. Other part-structure-sensitive semantic selectional requirements = 102
4 Part Structures and Quantification = 104
4.1 Quantification with plural and mass NPs = 105
4.1.1. A uniform treatment of plural and mass universal quantification = 105
4.1.2. Further predictions of the account = 109
4.2. Existential quantification over groups and quantities = 111
4.3. Focused quantifiers = 116
4.4. 'Generalized' part quantifiers = 123
4.4.1. Adjectival generalized part quantifiers = 123
4.4.2. Generalized part quantifiers of the type all-definite NP = 128
4.4.3. Further properties of generalized part quantifiers = 131
4.5. Each other, same／different, and part quantification = 133
4.5.1. Reciprocals and quantification over parts = 134
4.5.2. Same／Different, its semantic antecedent, and the part structure of its antecedent = 135
5 Metrical and Other Lexical Specifications of Part Structures = 141
5.1. The lexical meaning of frequency expressions = 142
5.1.1. Frequency expressions as part-structure attributes = 145
5.1.2. The lexical meaning of frequency expressions as a part-structure property = 145
5.1.3. Implications of the lexical semantics of frequency expressions = 149
5.2. German mass quantifiers = 152
5.2.1. The metrical determiner manche(s) = 152
5.2.2. German vague count quantifiers and the mass-count distinction = 156
5.3. Conclusions = 161
6 Dimensions of Parts and Wholes and the Part Structure of Events = 163
6.1. Multidimensional part structures of objects and events = 163
6.2. Integrity in different dimensions = 164
6.2.1. Adverbial and adnominal part-structure modifiers = 165
6.2.2. An account based on relativized integrity and perspectives = 169
6.3. Parts in different dimensions = 175
6.3.1. Multidimensional part structures of objects = 175
6.3.2. Multidimensional part structures of events = 178
6.4. Apparent ambiguities with vague event quantifiers and frequency expressions = 182
6.5. Apparent ambiguities with adverbs of completion = 184
6.5.1. The part-quantificational account of adverbs of completion = 184
6.5.2. The multiple readings of adverbs of completion in English = 187
6.5.3. German ganz = 194
6.5.4. Warlpiri quantifier preverbs = 197
6.5.5. Parameters governing the restrictions on the possible readings of expressions of completion = 199
6.6. Apparent ambiguities with concrete event quantifiers = 201
6.6.1. Same／Different in the internal reading = 201
6.6.2. Apparent ambiguities with predicates of concrete events = 203
6.6.3. 'Floated quantifiers' ranging over event = 205
6.6.4. Binary distributive event quantifiers = 206
6.7. Conclusions = 216
7 The Mass-Count Distinction for Verbs and Adverbial Quantification over Events = 218
7.1. Verbs and the mass-count distinction = 218
7.2. Adverbial quantifiers as mass quantifiers = 219
7.2.1. Adverbial simple mass quantifiers = 221
7.2.2. Frequency adverbs = 228
7.2.3. Adverbial measure-phrase constructions = 229
7.3. Pronominal reference to events = 230
7.4. N'-Conjunction with deverbal nominalizations = 233
7.5. A possible explanation of the mass-status of verbs = 236
Appendix : Clauses and the mass-count distinction = 237
7A.1. Clauses and the diagnostics of mass categories = 237
7A.2. Pronominal reference to propositions = 237
7A.3. Clauses and agreement = 238
7A.4. Plurals and concealed propositions = 239
7A.5. Requirements on the countability of situations = 240
8 Concluding Remark about Part Structures and Natural Language = 244
Bibliography = 245
Index = 251
